Roberto Vannacci, leader of Italy's far‑right Futuro Nazionale, has called for the removal of femicide from the criminal code, arguing that "a crime is not more or less serious based on the gender, skin colour or religion of the perpetrator or the victim". The proposal comes less than a year after Italy's parliament unanimously introduced a specific offence for gender‑based killing.

Vannacci's stance has sparked alarm among women's organisations and legal experts who warn that erasing the category could undermine protections for women who are disproportionately targeted by intimate‑partner violence. ISTAT data cited by a Sphera Network analyst shows that while overall homicides in Italy fell by 15 percent in 2023, murders of women by current or former partners remained steady.

Political fallout in Rome

Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has distanced herself from Vannacci's remarks, presenting herself as a woman who "defends women", yet she has never embraced the feminist label. Her government continues to promote a traditional family model, most recently backing a law that permits anti‑abortion activists to enter public clinics where abortions are performed. Critics argue the measure subjects women seeking abortions to intimidation and psychological pressure.

Meloni's party, Fratelli d'Italia, also backs legislation that would tighten abortion rules, reinforcing a vision of motherhood centred on domestic care rather than labour market participation. The policy mix illustrates how far‑right rhetoric can mask a broader agenda that limits women's autonomy.

Germany's regional push against abortion

In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) has just won the state election in Saxony‑Anhalt. While the party's national platform calls for abortion to be permitted only in cases of rape or danger to the woman's life, its regional agenda goes further. AfD legislators plan to overhaul pre‑abortion counselling, urging counsellors to persuade women to continue pregnancies rather than providing neutral information.

Such a shift would require federal legislation to become law, but the party's regional ambitions signal a willingness to test the limits of Germany's relatively liberal reproductive‑rights framework. Women's rights groups fear the move could create a chilling effect on access to safe abortions, especially in a state where medical services are already unevenly distributed.

Nordic and Southern Europe: subtle but firm setbacks

In Finland, the right‑wing populist Finns Party has blocked proposals aimed at easing women's return to work after childbirth, arguing that such measures would undermine the traditional family structure. The opposition contends that the stance hampers gender‑pay equity and forces mothers into unpaid care roles, widening the gender gap in the labour market.

Further south, France's Rassemblement National, led by Marine Le Pen, has shifted its focus from overt anti‑abortion rhetoric to a campaign against the Islamic veil. Le Pen has suggested fines for women who wear the veil in public, claiming the policy would "protect and liberate" women from "Islamist" ideology. Human‑rights advocates warn the proposal would penalise a specific group of women, curtail freedom of expression and deepen social exclusion.

The French case exemplifies what US scholar Sara R. Farris terms "femonationalism": the appropriation of women's rights language to justify xenophobic or anti‑immigrant policies. By positioning themselves as defenders of women, far‑right parties can attract voters who are concerned about gender equality while simultaneously advancing a restrictive agenda.

Spain and the broader European picture

Spain's Vox party, while less vocal on the veil issue, continues to champion a "family first" narrative, opposing policies that facilitate childcare provision and flexible working arrangements. The party's platform envisions a household headed by a male breadwinner and a mother who stays at home, a model that runs counter to EU directives encouraging gender‑balanced parental leave.

Across the continent, the pattern is clear: far‑right parties are moving away from overtly misogynistic language and instead framing themselves as protectors of women's interests. In practice, the policies they promote, restricting abortion access, limiting childcare support, and enforcing traditional gender roles, undermine the very rights they claim to defend.

Union response and the road ahead

European trade unions have begun coordinated campaigns to counter these developments. The European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) has called for a continent‑wide defence of gender‑based violence legislation and warned that eroding such protections could set a precedent for other member states. In Italy, the CGIL union has organised protests outside the parliament, demanding that femicide remain a distinct offence.

In Germany, the Ver.di union has launched a legal challenge against the Saxony‑Anhalt counselling reforms, arguing they breach the constitutional guarantee of personal freedom. Finnish unions are lobbying the government to reinstate the childcare‑return reforms, citing EU gender‑equality targets.

These actions underscore a growing awareness that the battle over women's rights is now a central front in the broader contest between progressive European policies and a resurgent far‑right that seeks to reshape social norms.

For policymakers, the challenge will be to balance respect for cultural and religious diversity with the need to protect fundamental rights. The European Commission has signalled its intention to monitor member‑state legislation that could undermine gender equality, but enforcement mechanisms remain limited.

As elections approach in several EU countries, the far‑right's strategy of co‑opting feminist language may prove electorally effective, yet it risks deepening societal divisions and reversing hard‑won gains for women. The coming months will test whether European institutions and civil society can mount a coordinated defence of gender‑based rights against a wave of legislation that, on the surface, claims to champion women while delivering the opposite.