Andy Burnham has taken his first steps on the European stage, meeting EU trade commissioner Maroš Šefčovič on 7 September in a session that signals a tentative continuation of the so‑called "reset" with Brussels after the abrupt exit of his predecessor.

The encounter, which took place in London, was the inaugural meeting for the newly appointed UK Europe minister Hamish Falconer. Both sides declined to comment on details, but officials in the capital and in Brussels are already pencilling in a broader EU‑UK summit for November.

Domestic agenda takes precedence

Burnham, who assumed office after Keir Starmer's resignation, has spent the first ten days of his premiership touring the country, unveiling modest but popular measures such as a homelessness‑prevention scheme and a series of tax breaks aimed at low‑income households. His focus remains firmly on domestic concerns, a contrast to Starmer's decision to quit politics and devote himself to "global diplomacy, defence and international affairs".

Nevertheless, Burnham has reiterated his commitment to the reset. "It's clear the low growth we've had, the decade of low growth, has been partly a result of Brexit," he told parliament on 2 September. "The sooner the party opposite accepts that, the more we can start to face up to Britain's future and 'where do we go from here?'"

EU‑UK trade talks: modest gains, big worries

While the UK may soon agree to a youth mobility scheme, the EU's primary demand since 2023, that would see joint funding for education and training for citizens aged 18‑30, the most pressing issue for London is how to shield key sectors from the EU's increasingly protectionist trade‑defence measures, especially those aimed at curbing Chinese overcapacity.

In a parliamentary debate preceding a meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron, Burnham singled out steelmaking and farming as sectors he wants to protect in any new EU‑UK deal. "The 'Made In Europe' agenda could pose significant problems for British Steel," he warned, referring to the nationalised company that the government took over in July.

The EU has already reduced its tariff‑free steel import quota to 18.3 million tonnes, a 47 percent cut from the 2024 level, to limit Chinese steel flooding the market. The UK mirrored the move, slashing its own quota by 51 percent and imposing a 50 percent duty on any imports above the new limit.

Industry observers fear that the EU's "Made in Europe" procurement scheme, embedded in the bloc's Industrial Accelerator Act, could further marginalise British steel by reserving subsidies and preferential contracts for EU firms. The concern is not limited to steel; British farmers also risk losing market share as the EU tightens rules on carbon‑border adjustments and anti‑deforestation standards, many of which the UK is now adopting.

Why the UK feels the squeeze

Britain's position as a medium‑sized market surrounded by the much larger EU‑27 means that any preferential treatment for EU producers automatically makes UK goods less competitive. The majority of British steel and agricultural exports head to Europe, so changes in EU policy have a direct impact on British producers' bottom lines.

Falconer, speaking in August after his appointment, said he would like "a deeper, more ambitious relationship" with the EU. Yet the minimalist Brexit deal struck under Boris Johnson in 2020 left the UK vulnerable to exactly the kind of policy shifts now under discussion.

For Burnham's government, the immediate task is to mitigate the adverse effects of EU trade defences before pursuing any broader strategic ambitions. That means negotiating safeguards for steel and farming, possibly securing exemptions or transitional arrangements, and ensuring that any new procurement rules do not automatically exclude British firms.

Looking ahead

The November summit will be the first real test of whether the UK can extract concessions that protect its key industries without compromising the modest domestic reforms Burnham has already set in motion. Trade unions have welcomed the prospect of protecting jobs in steel and agriculture, but they remain wary of any deal that could lock the UK into a lower‑standard regulatory regime.

Business groups, on the other hand, argue that a predictable trade environment, even if it involves modest concessions to the EU, is essential for investment and for keeping consumer prices stable. They warn that prolonged uncertainty could drive up costs for households, especially in energy‑intensive sectors.

Both sides agree that the next few months will be decisive. If London can secure a deal that cushions its most vulnerable sectors while preserving the modest tax and social measures introduced by Burnham, the reset could gain momentum. Failure to do so may deepen the sense of economic isolation that has characterised the post‑Brexit era for many British workers.

For now, the meeting between Falconer and Šefčovič remains a symbolic first step, but the real work will begin once the November summit convenes, with the stakes high for British industry, households and the broader European partnership.