Viktor Orbán appeared at Fidesz's annual gathering in Kötcse on 12 September, marking his first public appearance since the April election, and used the platform to attack the newly‑installed Tisza administration.

In a speech that offered no fresh policy proposals, the former prime minister portrayed the government of Prime Minister Péter Magyar as a colonial project orchestrated by Brussels, the George Soros network, EU funds and multinational corporations. He repeated long‑standing accusations that the Tisza cabinet intends to turn Hungary into a "colony" and to hand over the economy to foreign interests.

Child‑protection law stripped of anti‑LGBT wording

On the same day, Magyar presented a report on the state of Hungary's child‑protection system and, two days later, parliament passed an amendment that removed a clause linking homosexuality with paedophilia. The change eliminates language that had been criticised by human‑rights groups as homophobic and misleading.

Orbán seized the moment to claim that the amendment was part of a broader "colonial" agenda, suggesting that the removal of the clause was intended to weaken traditional family values. He did not offer an alternative to the revised legislation, leaving his supporters without a concrete policy direction.

Threats to anti‑corruption office staff

Later on Sunday, Orbán appeared on a television programme hosted by Zsolt Bayer, a commentator known for his confrontational style. During the interview, Orbán warned staff of the National Office for Asset Protection and Recovery, a body created by the Tisza government to investigate corruption, that they would be held to account, monitored and potentially exposed publicly.

The office, established only weeks earlier, has already drawn the ire of Fidesz loyalists who see its investigations as politically motivated. Orbán's remarks echo earlier claims that the agency is being used as a tool to target opposition figures.

Business ties and arrests

In related developments, Lőrinc Mészáros, Hungary's wealthiest businessman and long‑time ally of Orbán, announced his willingness to cooperate with the Tisza administration. Mészáros, often described as the prime minister's chief oligarch, has faced scrutiny over his extensive holdings in construction and media.

Police also detained a billionaire who had previously done business with Orbán's son‑in‑law, István Tiborcz, in connection with a separate corruption probe. The arrest underscores the heightened focus on financial misconduct under the new government.

Potential opening for same‑sex adoption

While the child‑protection amendment removed the homophobia‑linked clause, the broader legal framework for same‑sex couples remains unchanged. Magyar's ministry has hinted that the reform could pave the way for future legislation allowing same‑sex couples to adopt, a step that would mark a departure from Hungary's traditionally conservative stance on family law.

Union and LGBT organisations have welcomed the removal of the discriminatory wording but caution that substantive change will require further parliamentary action. They argue that without clear adoption rights, the amendment is merely symbolic.

Political context and outlook

Orbán's return to the political stage coincides with a period of intense legislative activity by the Tisza government, which has already expelled ten Russian diplomats and begun dismantling Fidesz's regional power bases. The former prime minister's rhetoric suggests a shift from defensive posturing to a more confrontational approach, as he warned that "resistance and fighting would now begin."

Analysts note that Orbán's strategy may be aimed at maintaining relevance among his base while the opposition seeks to consolidate gains made after the April vote. The lack of new policy proposals, however, leaves many within Fidesz uncertain about the party's direction in the coming months.

For workers and households, the immediate impact of these developments is limited. The removal of homophobic language from child‑protection law does not alter welfare provisions or employment conditions. Yet the broader political battle over the role of the state, foreign influence and anti‑corruption measures could shape future fiscal policies, public service funding and the regulatory environment for businesses across the EU.